The history of conflict between italy and the east during ludendorffs time

Strategy[ edit ] Comparative numbers of German and Allied front-line infantry from April to November Ludendorff privately conceded that Germany could no longer win a war of attrition, yet he was not ready to give up the German gains in the West and East and was one of the main obstacles to the German government's attempts to reach a settlement with the Western Allies.

The history of conflict between italy and the east during ludendorffs time

German losses were worst inthe first year of the war, and September was the bloodiest month of the whole war, when German units suffered losses of about Jewish Germans died at the same rate as non-Jewish Germans this would become a heated issue in the s — about 12, Jewish Germans died in the war.

Death by bayonet was very rare; poison gasthat terrifying new weaponkilled about 3, German soldiers. Artillery was by far the greatest killer in the war; about Verdun was the second bloodiest battle, when the German army lost, killed and wounded sometroops.

If one considers percentages, though, a different picture emerges. The worst death rate was among regular officers, the pre-war professional officer corps; about 25 percent of them were killed during the war. Death is not always simply death. Soldiers were killed by machine gun fire and especially by artillery; death was anonymous, random, unpredictable, and brutal.

Machine guns and artillery do absolutely ghastly things to human bodies. They meant, to begin with, a demographic catastrophe for German society. In Germany, as throughout Europe, when men left the factories to go off to war, women replaced them.

The shift in workforce was striking. Still, the sudden presence of large numbers of women in the workplace was remarkable. For many young German women in the s, marriage and family were not possibilities; there were no young men available.

This, to be sure, produced a kind of autonomy for the women affected, but, for those who had hoped for marriage and family, wartime deaths meant a lifetime alone.

The most unanticipated social consequence of the wartime losses were the enormous numbers of disabled veterans and war widows and orphans desperately in need of care and often unable to care for themselves.

Inthe newly formed Weimar Republic, on the verge of wild inflation, bankruptcy, and political chaos, discovered that it was suddenly responsible for some 2. Caring for these war victims proved to be an endless nightmare. How much exactly, in Marks, was a missing leg worth? Was an eye shot out worth more than a shattered hand?

Should compensation be based on medical condition alone and ignore social class, so that former bankers and former farmers each received the same pension for the same medical condition, or should compensation take social condition into account and be designed to help keep pensioners in the social class from which they came and thus help stabilize the existing class system?

Eventually, the latter became government policy. Eventually the two were merged, much to the outrage of many veterans who thought that being placed in the same category as welfare recipients was demeaning.

Did psychiatric illnesses — combat fatigue and what later generations would describe as post-traumatic-stress-disorder — merit compensation? Byfor example, the National Pension Court, which was supposed to decide controversies about pensions, had a backlog of 43, cases.

Social-Democratic, Communist, and Nationalist groups emerged; sometimes they cooperated with each other; more often, they did not. To be sure, specific casualties had specific military consequences, and those military consequences had dire political outcomes.

The sudden and violent death of some 2 million young men confronted Germans with that peculiar 20th century phenomenon, mass death. While death in large numbers is hardly unprecedented, the industrial scale of 20th century killing was something new.

Innumerable local monuments were erected in honor of the war dead, but creating a national day of mourning with appropriate national rituals and symbols proved impossible in the politically torn Weimar Republic, [38] and that would have devastating consequences for the legitimacy of the Weimar Republic and for German political culture.

German losses are, of course, a demographic and military phenomenon.Volume 2 of The Cambridge History of the First World War offers a history of the war from a predominantly political angle and concerns itself with the story of the state.

It explores the multifaceted history of state power and highlights the ways in which different political systems responded to. The German occupation of north-east France refers to the period in which French territory, mostly along the Belgian and Luxembourgish border, was held under military occupation by .

The Spring Offensive, or Kaiserschlacht ("Kaiser's Battle"), also known as the Ludendorff Offensive, was a series of German attacks along the Western Front during the First World War, beginning on 21 March , which marked the deepest advances by either side since A Fateful Ending.

The history of conflict between italy and the east during ludendorffs time

the Germans recapture all of the ground they lost in during the Battle of the Somme and press forward. However, during the two week offensive, the British 3rd Army manages to hold itself together and prevents the Germans from taking Arras and Amiens, key objectives of the offensive.

The fighting between. The Battle of the Selle (17–25 October ) was a battle between Allied forces and the German Army, fought during the Hundred Days Offensive of World War I.[1] Prelude After the Battle of Cambrai, the allies advanced almost 2 miles ( km) and liberated the French towns of Naves and Thun-Saint-Martin.

Far fewer people in Europe spoke English in the s, so the language barrier was very real. That said, there were very few forces working directly with partisans, and those personnel who did were selected using their ability in the relevant language as one criteria.

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